th her husband, we find that the children may be
claimed by her family. Thus among the Makolo the price paid on
marriage might merely cover the right to have the wife, and in this
case the children belonged to the wife's family. It might, however,
cover a certain right to the children if that had been contracted for,
but never such a right as separated them wholly from the mother's
family. To effect this it was necessary that a further price should be
paid at the father's death. This sum once paid, her family had "given
her up" and her children were entirely severed from them.[129] The
legal acknowledgment of fatherhood in all cases had to be paid for.

[129] McLennan, _The Patriarchal Theory_, pp. 324-325, 240.

There are many customs pointing to this new father-force asserting
itself, and pushing aside the mother-power. In Africa, among the
Bavili the mother has the right to pawn her child, but she must first
consult the father, so that he may have a chance of giving her goods
to save the pledging.[130] This is very plainly a step towards
father-right. There is no distinction between legitimate and
illegitimate children. Similar conditions prevail among the Alladians
of the Ivory Coast, but here the mother cannot pledge her children
without the consent of her brother or other male head of the family.
The father has the right to ransom the child.[131] An even stronger
example of the property value of children is furnished by the custom
found among many tribes, by which the father has to make a present to
the wife's family when a child dies: this is called "buying the
child."[132] A similar custom prevails among the Maori people of New
Zealand; when a child dies, or even meets with an accident, the
mother's relations, headed by her brothers, turn out in force against
the father. He must defend himself until wounded. Blood once drawn,
the combat ceases; but the attacking party plunders his house and
appropriates the husband's property, and finally sits down to a feast
provided by him.[133]

[130] Dennett, _Jour. Afr. Soc._, I, 266.

[131] _Jour. Afr. Soc._, I, 412.

[132] Hartland, _Primitive Paternity_, Vol. I, pp. 275 _et
seq._

[133] _Old New Zealand_, p. 110.

These cases, with the inferences they suggest, show that the power a
husband and father possessed over his wife and her children was gained
through purchase. And it is not the fact of the husband's power,
however great it might