ry public matter in which practical science was concerned. In the
mean time he employed himself in scientific agriculture, and set apart a
tract of land on his estate for experimental farming. His style of
living in Paris was at once rational and splendid. His house was open
twice a-week for the reception of distinguished persons, both foreigners
and natives, and especially if they brought with them the recommendation
of scientific ability. With the finest philosophical apparatus in the
possession of any individual in France, he was constantly carrying on
experiments on his own account, or performing them for others whose
means could not meet their expense. This conduct, united to remarkable
amiability of manners, made him popular, and placed him at the head of
French science in his day. But the evil time had come when opulence was
to be a crime, and virtue was to be no longer a safe-guard. The
democratic triumvirate of 1794 issued an order for the seizure of
twenty-seven individuals who had been farmers-general before the
Revolution. The true charge was the crime of being opulent. The popular
and ridiculous charge was, their having mixed deleterious ingredients
with the tobacco. Lavoisier having received information that the order
was about to be executed, fled, and remained for some days in
concealment. On understanding that his flight might injure the other
prisoners, and as his father-in-law was among them, he, with a rash
reliance on the public justice, yet with manly generosity, returned to
Paris, and gave himself up to his oppressors. The course of the
Revolution had been so palpably that of general plunder, that he had
long expected the loss of fortune, and proposed, in case of ruin, to
begin the world again, and live by the profession of medicine.

But, by a furious act of violence, he was condemned to die. He asked
only a few days to complete some experiments which were going on during
his imprisonment. The scoffing answer of this merciless tribunal was,
that the Republic had no need of philosophers; and on the day after this
sentence, the 8th of May 1794, he was hurried to the guillotine with no
less than one hundred and twenty-three other victims, who all died
within a few hours.

On this melancholy and desperate atrocity of republicanism, Lord
Brougham makes the following remark, which, though natural in the lips
of any human being, has double force as coming from one who has seen the
operation of the revo