iple of politics is will-power. The more one-sided, which
means the more complete, political understanding is, all the more does
it believe in the omnipotence of will-power, all the more blind is it
to the natural and intellectual limitations to will-power, all the
more incapable is it, therefore, of discovering the source of social
crime.

No further proof is needed to refute the absurd hope entertained by
"Prussian", according to which "political understanding" is called
upon "to discover the roots of social distress in Germany."

It was ridiculous to impute to the King of Prussia a power which the
Convention and Napoleon together did not possess; it was ridiculous to
credit him with an insight that went beyond the limits of all
politics, an insight which the wise "Prussian" possesses no more than
his king.

Let us suppose that "Prussian's" observations upon the German
Government and the German bourgeoisie--the latter is of course
included in "German society"--are perfectly justified. Is this section
of society more perplexed in Germany than in England and France? Is it
possible to be more perplexed than, for example, in England, where
perplexity has been elevated into a system?

If Labour revolts are now breaking out all over England, the
bourgeoisie and the Government there are no better advised than in
the last third of the eighteenth century. Their sole expedient is
material force, and as material force diminishes in the same degree as
the spread of pauperism and the insight of the proletariat increase,
English perplexity necessarily grows in geometrical proportion.

Lastly, it is in point of fact untrue that the German bourgeoisie has
entirely missed the general significance of the Silesian revolt.

In several towns the masters are endeavouring to combine with the
journeymen. All the liberal German newspapers, the organs of the
liberal bourgeoisie, are gushing about the organization of labour, the
reform of society, the criticism of monopoly and of competition, etc.
All this as a result of the labour movements. The newspapers of
Treves, Aachen, Cologne, Wesel, Mannheim, Breslau, even of Berlin, are
constantly publishing quite intelligent articles on social affairs,
from which "Prussian" may learn at any time. Yes, letters from Germany
are constantly expressing astonishment at the slight opposition which
the bourgeoisie offers to social tendencies.

If "Prussian" had been better acquainted with the history