e middle-class radicals, not for a
moment did they abandon their struggle against the latter, but fully
conscious of what they were doing, the Chartists assisted their
enemies to triumph over the Tories, and the day after the abolition of
the Corn Laws, it was no longer Tories and Free Traders who faced each
other at the hustings, but Free Traders and Chartists. And they
captured seats in Parliament from these middle-class radicals.

Mr Heinzen understands the middle-class liberals just as little as he
understands the workers, however unconsciously he labours in their
service. He believes it necessary to repeat to them the old platitudes
anent German "laziness" and humility. But the honest man takes quite
seriously what are only servile phrases in the mouth of a Camphausen
or a Hansemann. The bourgeois gentry will laugh at this simplicity.
They know that the mob is bold and aggressive in revolutions.
Consequently, the bourgeois gentry try as far as possible to transform
the absolute monarchy into a middle-class monarchy by amicable means.

But absolute monarchy in Prussia, as formerly in England and France,
does not lend itself to peaceful transformation into a middle-class
monarchy. It does not gracefully abdicate. In addition to personal
prejudices, the princes are bound hand and foot by a whole civil,
military, and parsonic bureaucracy--constituent parts of absolute
monarchy which do not by any means desire to exchange their ruling
position for a serving position under the bourgeoisie.

On the other hand, the feudal orders hold aloof, as what is at stake
is their existence or non-existence, that is, property or
expropriation. It is clear that absolute monarchy, in spite of all the
servile homage of the bourgeoisie, perceives its true interest to lie
on the side of these orders.

As little, therefore, as the sweet persuasions of a Lally Tollendal, a
Mounier, a Malouet, or a Mirabeau could induce a Louis XVI. to cast in
his lot with the bourgeoisie, in opposition to the feudalists and the
remnants of absolute monarchy, just as little will the siren songs of
a Camphausen or a Hansemann convince Friedrich Wilhelm IV.

But Mr Heinzen has no concern either with the bourgeoisie or with the
proletariat in Germany. His party is the "party of humanity," that is
the honest and warmhearted enthusiasts who champion middle-class
interests under the disguise of "human" objects, without being clear
as to the connection of the i