amentary declarations were made, not so much as a
step had been taken towards a negotiation in any mode whatever. The
measure was an unpleasant and unseasonable discovery.

I conceive that another circumstance in that transaction has been as
little authorized by any example, and that it is as little prudent in
itself: I mean the formal recognition of the French Republic. Without
entering, for the present, into a question on the good faith manifested
in that measure, or on its general policy, I doubt, upon mere temporary
considerations of prudence, whether it was perfectly advisable. It is
not within, the rules of dexterous conduct to make an acknowledgment of
a contested title in your enemy before you are morally certain that your
recognition will secure his friendship. Otherwise it is a measure worse
than thrown away. It adds infinitely to the strength, and consequently
to the demands, of the adverse party. He has gained a fundamental point
without an equivalent. It has happened as might have been foreseen. No
notice whatever was taken of this recognition. In fact, the Directory
never gave themselves any concern about it; and they received our
acknowledgment with perfect scorn. With them it is not for the states of
Europe to judge of their title: the very reverse. In their eye the title
of every other power depends wholly on their pleasure.

Preliminary declarations of this sort, thrown out at random, and sown,
as it wore, broadcast, were never to be found in the mode of our
proceeding with France and Spain, whilst the great monarchies of France
and Spain existed. I do not say that a diplomatic measure ought to be,
like a parliamentary or a judicial proceeding, according to strict
precedent: I hope I am far from that pedantry. But this I know: that a
great state ought to have some regard to its ancient maxims, especially
where they indicate its dignity, where they concur with the rules of
prudence, and, above all, where the circumstances of the time require
that a spirit of innovation should be resisted which leads to the
humiliation of sovereign powers. It would be ridiculous to assert that
those powers have suffered nothing in their estimation. I admit that
the greater interests of state will for a moment supersede all other
considerations; but if there was a rule, that a sovereign never should
let down his dignity without a sure payment to his interest, the dignity
of kings would be held high enough. At present, how