paring that beautiful and happy invention,
without which these northern parts of the world could scarce have
afforded a very comfortable habitation, together with the tools of all
the different workmen employed in producing those different
conveniences; if we examine, I say, all these things, and consider
what a variety of labor is employed about each of them, we shall be
sensible that, without the assistance and cooperation of many
thousands, the very meanest person in a civilized country could not be
provided, even according to what we very falsely imagine the easy and
simple manner in which he is commonly accommodated. Compared, indeed,
with the more extravagant luxury of the great, his accommodation must
no doubt appear extremely simple and easy; and yet it may be true,
perhaps, that the accommodation of a European prince does not always
so much exceed that of an industrious and frugal peasant, as the
accommodation of the latter exceeds that of many an African king, the
absolute masters of the lives and liberties of ten thousand naked
savages.

FOOTNOTES:

[Footnote 46: From the "Theory of Moral Sentiments."]

[Footnote 47: From "The Wealth of Nations."]

SIR WILLIAM BLACKSTONE

Born in 1723, died in 1780; professor of Common Law at
Oxford in 1758; justice in the Court of Common Pleas in
1770; published his "Commentaries" in 1765-68, eight
editions appearing in his own lifetime, and innumerable ones
since.

PROFESSIONAL SOLDIERS IN FREE COUNTRIES[48]

In a land of liberty it is extremely dangerous to make a distinct
order of the profession of arms. In absolute monarchies this is
necessary for the safety of the prince, and arises from the main
principle of their constitution, which is that of governing by fear;
but in free states the profession of a soldier, taken singly and
merely as a profession, is justly an object of jealousy. In these no
man should take up arms, but with a view to defend his country and its
laws; he puts not off the citizen when he enters the camp; but it is
because he is a citizen, and would wish to continue so, that he makes
himself for a while a soldier. The laws therefore and constitution of
these kingdoms know no such state as that of a perpetual standing
soldier, bred up to no other profession than that of war; and it was
not till the reign of Henry VII that the kings of England had so much
as a guard about their persons.

In the time of o