ional administration to the extreme radical
doctrine, and making the military commander in Missouri appear to
be acting not in harmony with the President's views. So far as I
know, this subject does not appear to have been submitted to the
President until some time in 1863, after Major-General Curtis, as
department commander, had for some months carried out the radical
theory of military confiscation, and I, as his successor, had put
a stop to it. Then an appeal was made to the President, and he,
in his celebrated letter of instructions of October 1, 1863, directed
the military to have nothing to do with the matter.

The State administration of Missouri, under its conservative
governor, was of course sternly opposed to this radical policy,
including the forced liberation of slaves, for which there was at
that time no warrant of law or executive authority. A simple sense
of duty compelled the military commander to act in these matters
more in harmony with the State government than with the radical
party, and in radical eyes he thus became identified with their
enemies, the conservatives.

This gave rise on August 4, 1862, to a meeting of prominent citizens
of St. Louis, who adopted resolutions, of the most important of
which the following was reported to be a true copy:

"_Resolved_, That a committee of gentlemen be requested to go to
Washington City to urge upon the President the appointment of a
commander of the military forces of this State who will, under
instructions, act with vigor in suppressing the guerillas of this
State, and with authority to enlist the militia of the State into
the service of the United States."

A HOSTILE COMMITTEE SENT TO WASHINGTON

The chair appointed, as the committee to go to Washington, Henry
T. Blow, John C. Vogle, I. H. Sturgeon, and Thomas O'Reilley, and
authorized Mr. Blow to add to this committee any other "true Union
man" who would go. Who, if any, besides Messrs. Blow, Vogle, and
O'Reilley actually composed the committee, I was never informed.
On August 10, Halleck, then general-in-chief, telegraphed me from
Washington: "There is a deputation here from Colonel Blair and
others asking for your removal on account of inefficiency."

Colonel Blair happened into my office a few minutes after the
receipt of the despatch on the 11th, and I handed it to him. He
at once said in substance, and with feeling: "That is not true.
No one is au