s
flooded by the armies of the invader. It was unthinkable, and yet the
wisest brains of Germany seem to have persuaded themselves that we had
sunk to such depths of cowardly indolence that even this might go
through. Surely they also have been hypnotized by those foolish dreams
of Britain's degeneration, from which they will have so terrible an
awakening.

* * * * *

As a matter of fact the General Staff had got ahead of the diplomatists,
and the German columns were already over the border while the point was
being debated at Berlin. There was no retreat from the position which
had been taken up. "It is to us a vital matter of strategy and is beyond
argument," said the German soldier. "It is to us a vital matter of honor
and, is beyond argument," answered the British statesman. The die was
cast. No compromise was possible. Would Britain keep her word or would
she not? That was the sole question at issue. And what answer save one
could any Briton give to it? "I do not believe," said our Prime
Minister, "that any nation ever entered into a great controversy with a
clearer conscience and stronger conviction that it is fighting, not for
aggression, not for the maintenance of its own selfish interest, but in
defense of principles the maintenance of which is vital to the
civilization of the world." So he spoke, and history will indorse his
words, for we surely have our quarrel just.

* * * * *

So much for the events which have led us to war. Now for a moment let us
glance at what we may have to hope for, what we may have to fear, and,
above all, what we must each of us do that we win through to a lasting
peace.

What have we to gain if we win? That we have nothing material to gain,
no colonies which we covet, no possessions of any sort that we desire,
is the final proof that the war has not been provoked by us. No nation
would deliberately go out of its way to wage so hazardous and costly a
struggle when there is no prize for victory. But one enormous indirect
benefit we will gain if we can make Germany a peaceful and harmless
State. We will surely break her naval power and take such steps that it
shall not be a menace to us any more. It was this naval power, with its
rapid increase and the need that we should ever, as Mr. Churchill has so
well expressed it, be ready at our average moment to meet an attack at
their chosen moment--it was this which has piled