n at that time, Gentlemen,
the leaning of my mind was in favour of one measure to which the
illustrious leader of the Whig party, whose name ought never to be
mentioned without gratitude and reverence in any assembly of British
electors, I mean Earl Grey, was understood to entertain strong
objections, and to which his Cabinet, as a Cabinet, was invariably
opposed. I speak of the vote by ballot. All that has passed since that
time confirms me in the view which I was then inclined to take of
that important question. At the same time I do not think that all the
advantages are on one side and all the disadvantages on the other. I
must admit that the effect of the practice of secret voting would be to
withdraw the voter from the operation of some salutary and honourable,
as well as of some pernicious and degrading motives. But seeing, as
I cannot help seeing, that the practice of intimidation, instead of
diminishing, is gaining ground, I am compelled to consider whether the
time has not arrived when we are bound to apply what seems the only
efficient remedy. And I am compelled to consider whether, in doing so,
I am not strictly following the principles of the Reform Bill to the
legitimate conclusions. For surely those who supported the Reform Bill
intended to give the people of Britain a reality, not a delusion; to
destroy nomination, and not to make an outward show of destroying it;
to bestow the franchise, and not the name of the franchise; and least of
all, to give suffering and humiliation under the name of the franchise.
If men are to be returned to Parliament, not by popular election, but
by nomination, then I say without hesitation that the ancient system was
much the best. Both systems alike sent men to Parliament who were not
freely chosen by independent constituent bodies: but under the old
system there was little or no need of intimidation, while, under the new
system, we have the misery and disgrace produced by intimidation added
to the process. If, therefore, we are to have nomination, I prefer the
nomination which used to take place at Old Sarum to the nomination which
now takes place at Newark. In both cases you have members returned at
the will of one landed proprietor: but at Newark you have two hundred
ejectments into the bargain, to say nothing of the mortification and
remorse endured by all those who, though they were not ejected, yet
voted against their consciences from fear of ejectment.
There is perha
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