the retardation of her economic development for so
long, made it both possible and necessary to create a revolutionary
movement which would, at one and the same time, overthrow both autocracy
and capitalism. Necessarily, therefore, their warfare must be directed
equally against autocracy and all political parties of the landlord and
capitalist classes. They were guided throughout by this fundamental
conviction. The policy of absolute and unqualified isolation in the Duma,
which they insisted the Social Democrats ought to pursue, was based upon
that conviction.

VI

All this is quite clear and easily intelligible. Granted the premise, the
logic is admirable. It is not so easy, however, to see why, even granting
the soundness of their opposition to _co-operation_ with bourgeois parties
and groups in the Duma, there should be no political _competition_ with
them--which would seem to be logically implied in the boycott of the Duma
elections. Non-participation in the elections, consistently pursued as a
proletarian policy, would leave the proletariat unrepresented in the
legislative body, without one representative to fight its battles on what
the world universally regards as one of the most important battle-fields of
civilization. And yet, here, too, they were entirely logical and
consistent--they did not believe in parliamentary government. As yet, they
were not disposed to emphasize this overmuch, not, apparently, because of
any lack of candor and good faith, but rather because the substitute for
parliamentary government had not sufficiently shaped itself in their minds.
The desire not to be confused with the Anarchists was another reason.
Because the Bolsheviki and the Anarchists both oppose parliamentary
government and the political state, it has been concluded by many writers
on the subject that Bolshevism is simply Anarchism in another guise. This
is a mistake. Bolshevism is quite different from and opposed to Anarchism.
It requires strongly centralized government, which Anarchism abhors.

Parliamentary government cannot exist except upon the basis of the will of
the majority. Whoever enters into the parliamentary struggle, therefore,
must hope and aim to convert the majority. Back of that hope and aim must
be faith in the intellectual and moral capacity of the majority. At the
foundation of Bolshevist theory and practice lies the important fact that
there is no such faith, and, consequently, neither the hope nor