e derived to the possessions of the
Republic in the West Indies from a trade opened, protected and
encouraged, between them and the Continent of America; or what profits
might be made by the Dutch East India Company, by carrying their effects
directly to the American market; or how much even the trade of the
Baltic might be secured and extended by a free intercourse with America;
which has ever had so large a demand, and will have more for hemp,
cordage, sail-cloth, and other articles of that commerce: how much the
national navigation would be benefited by building and purchasing ships
there: how much the number of seamen might be increased, or how much
more advantageous it would prove to both countries, to have their ports
mutually opened to their men of war and privateers, and to their prizes.

If, therefore, an analogy of religion, government, origin, manners, and
the most extensive and lasting commercial interests, can form a ground
and an invitation to political connections, the subscriber flatters
himself that, in all these particulars, the union is so obviously
natural, that there has seldom been a more distinct designation of
Providence to any two distant nations to unite themselves together.

It is further submitted to the wisdom and humanity of your High
Mightinesses, whether it is not visibly for the good of mankind, that
the powers of Europe, who are convinced of the justice of the American
cause, (and where is one to be found that is not?) should make haste to
acknowledge the independence of the United States, and form equitable
treaties with them, as the surest means of convincing Great Britain of
the impracticability of her pursuits? Whether the late marine treaty
concerning the rights of neutral vessels, noble and useful as it is, can
be established against Great Britain, who will never adopt it, nor
submit to it, but from necessity, without the independence of America?
Whether the return of America, with her nurseries of seamen and
magazines of materials for navigation and commerce, to the domination
and monopoly of Great Britain, if that were practicable, would not put
the possessions of other nations beyond seas wholly in the power of that
enormous empire, which has been long governed wholly by the feeling of
its own power, at least without a proportional attention to justice,
humanity, or decency. When it is obvious and certain that the Americans
are not inclined to submit again to the British govern