led with them, the streets were filled with
them, but they were in suspense, and it lasted twenty-five days. Then
followed the darkness and squalor--less bread, less comfort, less
civilisation of heart and mind. It was hard on the women and children.
Senator Manderson, the son of my old friend in Philadelphia, introduced
a bill into the United States Senate for the arbitration of strikes. It
proposed a national board of mediation between capital and labour.

Jay Gould was the most abused of men just then. He was denounced by both
contestants in this American conflict most uselessly. The knights of
Labour came in for an equal amount of abuse. We were excited and could
not reason. The men had just as much right to band together for mutual
benefit as Jay Gould had a right to get rich. It was believed by many
that Mr. Gould made his fortune out of the labouring classes. Mr. Gould
made it out of the capitalists. His regular diet was a capitalist per
diem, not a poor man--capitalist stewed, broiled, roasted, panned,
fricaseed, devilled, on the half shell. He was personally, as I knew
him, a man of such kindness that he would not hurt a fly, but he played
ten pins on Wall Street. A great many adventurers went there to play
with him, and if their ball rolled down the side of the financial alley
while he made a ten strike or two or three spares, the fellows who were
beaten howled. That was about all there really was in the denunciation
of Jay Gould.

I couldn't help thinking sometimes, when the United States seemed to
change its smile of prosperity to a sudden smile of anger or petulance,
that we were a spoiled nation, too much pampered by divine blessings.
If we had not been our own rulers, but had been ruled--what would
America have been then? We were like Ireland crying for liberty and
abusing liberty the more we got of it.

Mr. Gladstone's policy of Home Rule for Ireland, announced in April,
1886, proposed an Irish Parliament and the Viceroy. It should remain,
however, a part of England. I fully believed then that Ireland would
have Home Rule some day, and in another century I believed that Ireland
would stand to England as the United States stands to England, a
friendly and neighbouring power. I believed that Ireland would some day
write her own Declaration of Independence. Liberty, the fundamental
instinct of the most primitive living thing, would be the world's
everlasting conflict.

Our exclusion of the Chinese, whic