most careful research, that the bribery
was on the other side. "Cornwallis and Castlereagh" (the Lord-lieutenant
and the Chief Secretary) "both declared it to be within their knowledge
that the Opposition offered four thousand pounds, ready money, for a
vote. But they name only one man who was purchased, and his vote was
obtained for four thousand pounds. From the language of Lord Cornwallis,
it is certain that if money was spent by the government in this way it
was without his knowledge; but many things may have been done by the
inferior agents of the government, and possibly by Castlereagh himself,
which they would not venture to lay before the Lord-lieutenant. It
appears, however, from the papers which have recently come to light,
that the prevalent belief of the Union having been mainly effected by a
lavish expenditure of money is not well-founded; still it is certain
that some money was expended in this way." Besides actual payment for
votes, he adds that a very large sum--a hundred thousand pounds--is said
to have been expended in the purchase of seats, the holders of which
were, of course, to vote against the measure; and names Lord Downshire
as subscribing L5000, Lord Lismore and Mr. White L3000 each, while the
government funds were chiefly expended "in engaging[139] young
barristers of the Four Courts to write for the Union." But, even if it
were true that corruption was employed to the very utmost extent that
was ever alleged by the most vehement opponent of the measure and of the
government, it may be feared that very few of the last century Irishmen
would have been so shocked at it as to consider that fact an objection
to the Union, especially, it is sad and shameful to say, among the upper
classes. The poorer classes, those who could render no political service
to a minister, as being consequently beneath official notice, were
unassailed by his temptations; but the demoralization of the men of rank
and property was almost universal, and few seats were disposed of, few
votes were given, except in return for favors granted, or out of
discontent at favors refused. And it cannot be denied that the tendency
to political jobbery had not been diminished by the concessions of 1782,
if, indeed, it may not be said that the increased importance which those
concessions had given to the Irish Parliament had led the members of
both Houses to place an increased value on their services. Certainly no
previous Lord-lieutenant