practice the constitutional system, which, in
1814, had scarcely emerged from its torpor under the Empire; but in its
new work it lost sight of equity, moderation, and the favourable moment.
It wished at the same time to control France and the King. It was
independent and haughty, often revolutionary in its conduct towards the
monarch, and equally violent and contra-revolutionary as regarded the
people. This was to attempt too much; it ought to have chosen between
the two, and to have declared itself either monarchical or popular. The
Chamber of 1815 was neither the one nor the other. It appeared to be
deeply imbued with the spirit of the old system, envenomed by the ideas
or examples of the spirit of the revolution; but the spirit of
government, even more essential under constitutional than under absolute
power, was wanting altogether.
Thus, an opposition was seen to spring up quickly within its own
bosom,--an opposition which became at once popular and monarchical, for
it equally defended against the ruling party, the crown they had so
rashly insulted, and the country they had profoundly disturbed. After
some sharp contests, sustained with acrimonious determination on both
sides, this opposition, strong in the royal support as in public
sympathy, frequently obtained a majority, and became the party of the
Government.
I had no seat at that time in the Chamber of Deputies. It has often been
said that I took a more important share in the Government of the day
than could be attributed to me with truth. I have never complained of
this, nor shall I complain now. I accept the responsibility, not only of
my own actions, but of those of the friends I selected and supported.
The monarchical and constitutional party formed in 1815, became on the
instant my own. I shall acknowledge frankly what experience has taught
me of their mistakes, while I feel proud of having been enrolled in
their ranks.
This party was formed abruptly and spontaneously, without premeditated
object, without previous or personal concert, under the simple necessity
of the moment, to meet a pressing evil, and not to establish any
particular system, or any specific combination of ideas, resolutions, or
designs. Its sole policy was at first confined to the support of the
Restoration against the reaction: a thankless undertaking, even when
most salutary; for it is useless to contend with a headlong
counter-current. While you are supporting the power whose
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