the
President's declaration that he had no intention of interfering with
Slavery, and still more by the resolution whereby Congress specifically
limited the objective of the war and the preservation of the Union,
expressly guaranteeing the permanence of Slavery as a domestic institution.
These things made it easy for the advocates of the South to maintain that
Slavery had nothing to do with the issue--as, indeed, directly, it had
not. Then came Bull Run--the sort of Jack-the-Giant-Killer incident which
always and in a very human fashion excites the admiration of sportsmanlike
foreigners. One may add to this the fact that the intelligent governing
class at that time generally regarded the Americans, as the Americans
regarded us, as rivals and potential enemies, and would not have been
sorry to see one strong power in the New World replaced by two weak ones.
On the other hand, the British Government's very proper proclamation of
neutrality as between the United States and the Confederacy had been
somewhat unreasonably criticized in America.

Yet the general sympathy with the Free as against the Slave States might
have had a better chance of surviving but for the occurrence in
November, 1861, of what is called the "Trent" dispute. The Confederacy
was naturally anxious to secure recognition from the Powers of Western
Europe, and with this object despatched two representatives, Mason of
Virginia and Slidell of South Carolina, the one accredited to the Court
of St. James's and the other to the Tuileries. They took passage to
Europe in a British ship called the _Trent_. The United States cruiser
_San Jacinto_, commanded by Captain Wilkes of the American Navy,
overhauled this vessel, searched it and seized and carried off the two
Confederate envoys.

The act was certainly a breach of international law; but that was almost
the smallest part of its irritant effect. In every detail it was
calculated to outrage British sentiment. It was an affront offered to us
on our own traditional element--the sea. It was also a blow offered to
our traditional pride as impartial protectors of political exiles of all
kind. The _Times_--in those days a responsible and influential organ of
opinion--said quite truly that the indignation felt here had nothing to
do with approval of the rebellion; that it would have been just as
strong if, instead of Mason and Slidell, the victims had been two of
their own Negro slaves. Indeed, for us there were no