ze in their own way, subject to the
conditions that we think essential to our permanent peace, and to
prevent the revival hereafter of the rebellion--a republican government
in the form that the people of the United States can agree to.

Now, for that purpose there are three modes indicated. One is to remove
the cause of the war by an alteration of the Constitution of the United
States, prohibiting slavery everywhere within its limits. That, sir,
goes to the root of the matter, and should consecrate the nation's
triumph. But there are thirty-four States; three fourths of them would
be twenty-six. I believe there are twenty-five States represented in
this Congress; so that we on that basis can-not change the Constitution.
It is, therefore,a condition precedent in that view of the case that
more States shall have governments organized within them. If it be
assumed that the basis of calculation shall be three fourths of the
States now represented in Congress, I agree to that construction of the
Constitution. * * *

But, under any circumstances, even upon that basis it will be difficult
to find three fourths of the States, with New Jersey, or Kentucky, or
Maryland, or Delaware, or other States that might be mentioned,
opposed to it, under existing auspices, to adopt such a clause of the
Constitution after we shall have agreed to it. If adopted it still
leaves all laws necessary to the ascertainment of the will of the
people, and all restrictions on the return to power of the leaders of
the rebellion, wholly unprovided for. The amendment of the Constitution
meets my hearty approval, but it is not a remedy for the evils we must
deal with.

The next plan is that inaugurated by the President of the United States,
in the proclamation of the 8th December (1863), called the amnesty
proclamation. That proposes no guardianship of the United States over
the reorganization of the governments, no law to prescribe who shall
vote, no civil functionaries to see that the law is faithfully executed,
no supervising authority to control and judge of the election. But if
in any manner by the toleration of martial law, lately proclaimed the
fundamental law, under the dictation of any military authority, or
under the prescription of a provost marshal, something in the form of a
government shall be presented, represented to rest on the votes of one
tenth of the population, the President will recognize that, provided
it does not contravene the