o the consequences.
On the first agitation of this business, Mr. Wilberforce had spoken
confidently of other nations following our example. But had not the
National Assembly of France referred the Slave Trade to a select
committee, and had not that committee rejected the measure of its
abolition? By the evidence it appeared, that the French and Spaniards
were then giving bounties to the Slave Trade; that Denmark was desirous
of following it; that America was encouraging it; and that the Dutch had
recognized its necessity, and recommended its recovery. Things were bad
enough indeed as they were, but he was sure this rivalship would make
them worse.
He did not admit the disorders imputed to the trade in all their extent.
Pillage and kidnapping could not be general, on account of the
populousness of the country; though too frequent instances of it had
been proved. Crimes might be falsely imputed. This he admitted; but only
partially. Witchcraft, he believed, was the secret of poisoning, and
therefore deserved the severest punishment. That there should be a
number of convictions for adultery, where polygamy was a custom, was not
to be wondered at; but he feared, if a sale of these criminals were to
be done away, massacre would be the substitute.
An honourable member had asked on a former day, "Is it an excuse for
robbery to say that another would hare committed it?" But the Slave
Trade did not necessarily imply robbery. Not long since Great Britain
sold her convicts, indirectly at least, to slavery; but he was no
advocate for the trade. He wished it had begun, and that it might soon
terminate. But the means were not adequate to the end proposed.
Mr. Burke had said on a former occasion, "that in adopting measure we
must prepare to pay the price of our virtue." He was ready to pay his
share of that price; but the effect of the purchase must be first
ascertained. If they did not estimate this, it was not benevolence, but
dissipation. Effects were to be duly appreciated; and though statesmen
might rest everything on a manifesto of causes, the humbler moralist,
meditating peace and good will towards men, would venture to call such
statesmen responsible for consequences.
In regard to the colonies, a sudden abolition would be oppression. The
legislatures there should be led, and not forced, upon this occasion. He
was persuaded they would act wisely to attain the end pointed out to
them. They would see that a natural incr
|