t of the governed; having, in
short, announced his bill of rights, he now comes forward with an
indictment against England. This is full and complete, and by the time
the reader has done with it he is then prepared for his final argument,
which is--

IV. The ability of America to acquire and maintain her independence.

He afterward added an appendix, in which he recounts the principal
causes which impel the colonies to a separation.

The reader will remark the _method_ of the whole piece. He takes hold of
the mind by strategy at first, and then places before it principles,
facts, causes, and consequences, till he has made it entirely his own.

If now the reader will return to the first Letter of Junius, he will
find an admirable example of the same method. As to _method_, the two
pieces are every way identical. Did a person not study this Letter of
Junius, he would perhaps fail to get, at first, the exact likeness which
Mr. Paine has so completely reproduced in Common Sense, as an artistic
performance.

Junius' Letter to the king is also an example of the same method. There
is, first, the bill of rights, and then the indictment. We find here the
same strategy, which takes possession of the mind of the people, the
same method to place the writer above and beyond selfish motives, the
same foundation of principles, the same superstructure of argument, and
the same method of bringing the reader to the conclusions. Herein we
find _policy_.

* * * * *

The policy of Mr. Paine made him extremely cautious, and he weighed well
the consequences of speaking to the public, studying especially the
proper time. This was the habit of Junius also. I will now give a few
examples: When the civil laws of England had been trampled on by the
military, in the case of General Gansel, Junius delayed speaking about
it. He says: "Had I taken it up at an earlier period, I should have been
accused of an uncandid, malignant precipitation, as if I watched for an
unfair advantage against the ministry, and would not allow them a
reasonable time to do their duty. They now stand without excuse."--Let.
30. He then proceeds to strike the ministry "hip and thigh." In Letter
44 he also mentions the fact of having been silent, not from a "shameful
indifference," but because he had determined to "not deliver a hasty
opinion on a matter of so much delicacy and importance."

The same constitutional caution is exhibited in