ganised as to suggest in every way that the masters of divergent views
are co-operating in a general scheme of political education such as no
one of them alone could impart, not competing for the political
allegiance of the boys. A school is not a bye-election in permanent
session. Thus, though a controversial element is bound to come into
political education, we would mitigate this element by not allowing any
one form to go to more than one master for political work. The boy will
pass from form to form, and thus the conservatism of a summer term will
be tempered by the radicalism of the following winter. But these
political compartments will not be particularly air-tight in any case.
The house master will be a permanent influence, and when a keen-witted
boy has just got out of the form of a sympathetic master, it is unlikely
that they will altogether lose touch with one another.

At the top of the school, however, the controversial element should be
more frankly accepted. We believe in the permanent institution of a
voluntary _Politics Class_ in which the best boys will hear again the
best of the masters who have taught them on their way up the school.
Between such a _Politics Class_ and a really efficient school Debating
Society it might be hard to draw a precise line. One would play into the
hands of the other.

The "judicial" teacher, the man who from an Olympian elevation surveys
the political strivings of past and present alike, and analyses,
catalogues, and defines, creating all the while an impression of luminous
impartiality, may, of course, do much good work. The present writer
would be the last man to deny it when he remembers his own debt to a
teacher of that kind. None the less, we believe that it is the other
kind of teaching that is really needed in the schools of the well-to-do
to-day.[2] The political problems of our time are of intense and
terrible importance: on their solution this way or that depends the
happiness or the misery of uncounted millions; and it is so largely on
the way that the young of the privileged classes learn to look at them
that their solution depends. "Judicial" teaching creates the impression
that so long as you "know the case" for or against a policy, it does not
matter whether you believe it, and as for acting upon it, or making
sacrifices for it, there is no question of doing anything so "extreme."
Education _must_ create enthusiasm.

It must also make for many-si