wonderful fund of common sense, went home to
the heart of Randolph, and he loved Macon in sincerity.
Macon and Crawford humored his many eccentricities, and would always
deferentially listen to him when the humor was on him to talk. It was
at such times that Randolph was most interesting. He had read much, and
to great advantage; he had travelled, and with an observant eye; he
knew more, and he knew it more accurately, than any other man of his
country, except, perhaps, that wonderful man, William Lowndes. In his
talking moods all the store-house of his information was drafted into
service. His command of language was wonderful. The antithetical manner
of expressing himself gave piquancy and _vim_ to his conversation,
making it very captivating. He was too impatient, and had too much
nervous irritability and too rapid a flow of ideas, to indulge in
familiar and colloquial conversation. He would talk all, or none. He
inaugurated a subject and exhausted it, and there were few who desired
more than to listen when he talked. Two or three evenings in the week
there would assemble at Mr. Crawford's a few gentlemen, members of
Congress. This was especially the case pending the Missouri question,
when Mr. Randolph, Mr. Macon, Mr. McLean, Mr. Holmes, of Maine, (a
great admirer of Mr. Crawford,) Mr. Lowndes, and sometimes one or two
gentlemen from Pennsylvania, would be present. At these meetings this
question was the first and principal topic, and Mr. Randolph would
engross the entire conversation for an hour, when he would almost
universally rise, bid good-night, and leave. At other times he would
listen attentively, without uttering a word, particularly when Crawford
or Lowndes were speaking. These, then, almost universally, did all the
talking. The diversity of opinion scarcely ever prompted reply or
interruption. In these conversations the great powers of Crawford's
mind would break out, astonishing and convincing every one.
It was upon one of these occasions, when discussing in connection with
the Missouri question, the subject of slavery, its influences, and its
future, that Mr. Crawford remarked: "If the Union is of more importance
to the South than slavery, the South should immediately take measures
for the gradual emancipation of the slaves, fixing a period for its
final extinction. But if the institution of slavery is of more vital
importance than the perpetuation of the Union to the South, she should
at once secede
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