nary
wars. Blackstone regards it as a singularly fortunate circumstance 'that
any branch of the legislature might annually put an end to the legal
existence of the army by refusing to concur in the continuance' of the
mutiny act. A standing army was obviously necessary; but by making
believe very hard, we could shut our eyes to the facts, and pretend
that it was a merely temporary arrangement.[14] The doctrine had once
had a very intelligible meaning. If James II. had possessed a
disciplined army of the continental pattern, with Marlborough at its
head, Marlborough would hardly have been converted by the prince of
Orange. But loyal as the gentry had been at the restoration, they had
taken very good care that the Stuarts should not have in their hand such
a weapon as had been possessed by Cromwell. When the Puritan army was
disbanded, they had proceeded to regulate the militia. The officers were
appointed by the lords-lieutenants of counties, and had to possess a
property qualification; the men raised by ballot in their own districts;
and their numbers and length of training regulated by Act of Parliament.
The old 'train-bands' were suppressed, except in the city of London, and
thus the recognised military force of the country was a body essentially
dependent upon the country gentry. The militia was regarded with favour
as the 'old constitutional force' which could not be used to threaten
our liberties. It was remodelled during the Seven Years' War and
embodied during that and all our later wars. It was, however,
ineffective by its very nature. An aristocracy which chose to carry on
wars must have a professional army in fact, however careful it might be
to pretend that it was a provision for a passing necessity. The pretence
had serious consequences. Since the army was not to have interests
separate from the people, there was no reason for building barracks. The
men might be billeted on publicans, or placed under canvas, while they
were wanted. When the great war came upon us, large sums had to be spent
to make up for the previous neglect. Fox, on 22nd February 1793,
protested during a lively debate upon this subject that sound
constitutional principles condemned barracks, because to mix the army
with the people was the 'best security against the danger of a standing
army.'[15]

In fact a large part of the army was a mere temporary force. In 1762,
towards the end of the Seven Years' War, we had about 100,000 men in
pay;