rmans.

On May 29, 1915, the Allies again sent a note to Bulgaria, making
proposals which comprised the results of their efforts to obtain
concessions from the other Balkan States. On June 15 Radoslavov
sent a reply, asking for further information, obviously drawn up
in order to gain time.

Meanwhile, on June 11, Venizelos had again appeared in Athens,
where he received a warm welcome from the populace, with whom he
was the prime favorite. Within a few days he resumed the leadership
of the Greek Liberal party and, at a general election, which was held
shortly after, he showed a popular majority support of 120 seats
in the Popular Assembly, notwithstanding a determined opposition
made by his opponents. Before the Balkan wars the Greek Parliament
had consisted of 180 members, but by according representation to
the districts in Macedonia annexed after the wars the number was
brought up to 316. Venizelos and his policy in favor of the Allies
were emphatically indorsed by the Greek suffrage. Naturally this
expression of the people's voice was a smart blow at the king and
his councillors. On the other hand, they were encouraged by an
unfavorable turn that was now taking place in the military operations
of the Allies.

The attack on the Dardanelles by the warships had been a decided
failure. Nor were the operations of the British troops on the peninsula
of Gallipoli meeting with any real success. The Austrians and the
Germans had driven the Russians back from the Carpathians and had
retaken Przemysl and Lemberg. In fact, the situation of the
Austro-German armies had now become so favorable that it was possible
for the Teutonic allies to make proposals to the Balkan States
with a fair chance of being listened to.

During July, 1915, Serbia was approached by Germany with an offer
of a separate peace, but Serbia would not even consider the terms.

On July 8 Austria delivered a note to Rumania, through the Austrian
Minister in Bucharest, Count Czernin, which contained two sets of
proposals. One was contingent upon the continued but "friendly"
neutrality of Rumania, the other on her active participation in
the war on the side of Austria-Hungary.

In the first proposal Rumania was promised all of Bukowina south
of the Seret River, better treatment of the Rumanian population
of Austrian territory, the establishment of a Rumanian university
in Brasso, large admissions of Rumanians into the public service
of Hungary, and great