labour of the
community exists within that relation. A few men own capital, and that
few avoid labour themselves, and with their capital hire or buy another
few to labour for them. A large majority belong to neither
class,--neither work for others, nor have others working for them. In
most of the Southern States, a majority of the whole people, of all
colours, are neither slaves nor masters; while in the Northern, a
majority are neither hirers nor hired. Men with their families--wives,
sons, and daughters--work for themselves, on their farms, in their
houses, and in their shops, taking the whole product to themselves, and
asking no favours of capital on the one hand, nor of hired labourers or
slaves on the other. It is not forgotten that a considerable number of
persons mingle their own labour with capital--that is, they labour with
their own hands, and also buy or hire others to labour for them; but
this is only a mixed and not a distinct class. No principle stated is
disturbed by the existence of this mixed class.

Again, as has already been said, there is not of necessity any such
thing as the free, hired labourer being fixed to that condition for
life. Many independent men, everywhere in these States, a few years back
in their lives were hired labourers. The prudent, penniless beginner in
the world labours for wages a while, saves a surplus with which to buy
tools or land for himself, then labours on his own account another
while, and at length hires another new beginner to help him. This is the
just and generous and prosperous system which opens the way to all,
gives hope to all, and consequent energy and progress and improvement of
condition to all. No men living are more worthy to be trusted than those
who toil up from poverty, none less inclined to take or touch aught
which they have not honestly earned. Let them beware of surrendering a
political power which they already possess, and which, if surrendered,
will surely be used to close the door of advancement against such as
they, and to fix new disabilities and burdens upon them, till all of
liberty shall be lost.

_Letter to General G.B. McClellan. Washington. February 3, 1862_

My dear Sir, You and I have distinct and different plans for a movement
of the Army of the Potomac--yours to be down the Chesapeake, up the
Rappahannock to Urbana and across land to the terminus of the railroad
on the York River; mine to move directly to a point on the railr