am sure that
either the one or the other class is mistaken in that belief, and
perhaps, in some respects, both. I hope it will not be irreverent for me
to say, that if it is probable that God would reveal His will to others,
on a point so connected with my duty, it might be supposed that He would
reveal it directly to me; for, unless I am more deceived in myself than
I often am, it is my earnest desire to know the will of Providence in
this matter. And if I can learn what it is, I will do it. These are not,
however, the days of miracles, and I suppose it will be granted that I
am not to expect a direct revelation. I must study the plain, physical
facts of the case, ascertain what is possible, and learn what appears
to be wise and right.

The subject is difficult, and good men do not agree. For instance, four
gentlemen of standing and intelligence, from New York, called as a
delegation on business connected with the war; but before leaving, two
of them earnestly besought me to proclaim general emancipation, upon
which the other two at once attacked them. You also know that the last
session of Congress had a decided majority of anti-slavery men, yet they
could not unite on this policy. And the same is true of the religious
people.

Why the rebel soldiers are praying with a great deal more earnestness, I
fear, than our own troops, and expecting God to favour their side: for
one of our soldiers who had been taken prisoner told Senator Wilson a
few days since that he met nothing so discouraging as the evident
sincerity of those he was among in their prayers. But we will talk over
the merits of the case.

What good would a proclamation of emancipation from me do, especially as
we are now situated? I do not want to issue a document that the whole
world will see must necessarily be inoperative, like the Pope's bull
against the comet! Would my word free the slaves, when I cannot even
enforce the Constitution in the rebel States? Is there a single court or
magistrate or individual that would be influenced by it there?

And what reason is there to think it would have any greater effect upon
the slaves than the late law of Congress, which I approved, and which
offers protection and freedom to the slaves of rebel masters who come
within our lines? Yet I cannot learn that that law has caused a single
slave to come over to us. And suppose they could be induced by a
proclamation of freedom from me to throw themselves upon us, what