on of interests, among which the
general convenience and even economy will be promoted by establishing a
uniformity of prices, without reference to an exact apportionment of
minute differences.

It can be easily shown, that all these considerations would be harmonized
by no rate of postage on letters, higher than the English 1_d._, or with
us two cents for each half ounce. Considered as a business question,
unaffected by the assumed power of monopoly by the government, the
reasonings of the parliamentary reports and the results of the British
experiment abundantly establish this rate to be the fair average price for
the service rendered. A moderate business can live by it, if economically
conducted, and a large business will make it vastly profitable, as is seen
in the payment of four or five millions of dollars a year into the public
treasury of Great Britain, as the net profits of penny postage.

If we look at the post-office in the more philosophical and elevated
aspect of a grand governmental measure, enjoined by the people for the
good of the people, we shall be brought to a similar conclusion. The
constitutional rule for the establishment of the post-office, is as
follows:

"Congress shall have power to--

"Establish post-offices and post-roads."

This clause declares plainly the will of the people of the United States,
that the federal government should be charged with the responsibility of
furnishing the whole Union with convenient and proper mail
privileges--according to their reasonable wants, and the reasonable ability
of the government. This is one point of the "general welfare," for which
we are to look to congress, just as we look to congress to provide for the
general defence by means of the army and navy. It imposes no other
restrictions in the one case than the other, as to the extent to which
provision shall be made--the reasonable wants of the people, and the
reasonable ability of the government. It limits the resources for this
object to no particular branch of the revenue. It gives no sort of
sanction to the so oft-repeated rule, which many suppose to be a part of
the constitution, that the post-office must support itself. Still less,
does it authorize congress to throw all manner of burdens upon the mail,
and then refuse to increase its usefulness as a public convenience,
because it cannot carry all those loads. The people must have mails, and
congress must furnish them. To reaso