appalling
responsibility for having plunged Europe into this war and for having
involved herself and the greater part of the Continent in the
consequences of it.

We know now that the German Government had prepared for war as only
people who plan can prepare. This is the fourth time within living
memory that Prussia had made war in Europe. In the Schleswig-Holstein
war, in the war against Austria in 1866, in the war against France in
1870, as we now know from all the documents that have been revealed, it
was Prussia who planned and prepared these wars. The same thing has
occurred again, and we are determined that it shall be the last time
that war shall be made in this way.

We had assured Belgium that never would we violate her neutrality so
long as it was respected by others. I had given this pledge to Belgium
long before the war. On the eve of the war we asked France and Germany
to give the same pledge. France at once did so. Germany declined to give
it. When, after that, Germany invaded Belgium we were bound to oppose
Germany with all our strength, and if we had not done so at the first
moment, is there any one who now believes that when Germany attacked the
Belgians, when she shot down combatants and non-combatants in a way that
violated all the rules of war of recent times and the laws of humanity
of all time--is there any one who thinks it possible now that we could
have sat still and looked on without eternal disgrace?

Now what is the issue for which we are fighting? In due time the terms
of peace will be put forward by our Allies in concert with us--in
accordance with the alliance that exists between us--and published to
the world. One essential condition must be the restoration to Belgium of
her independence, national life, and free possession of her territory,
and reparation to her as far as reparation is possible for the cruel
wrong done to her. That is part of the great issue for which we, with
our allies, are contending, and the great part of the issue is this--We
wish the nations of Europe to be free to live their independent lives,
working out their own form of government for themselves, and their own
national developments, whether they be great nations or small States, in
full liberty. This is our ideal. The German ideal--we have had it poured
out by German professors and publicists since the war began--is that of
the Germans as a superior people, to whom all things are lawful in the
securing of the