ords of the States,
and ordaining the surrender of fugitives from justice. But this draft,
though from the flaming guardian of the slave interest, contained no
allusion to fugitive slaves.

In the course of the Convention other plans were brought forward: on
the 15th of June, aseries of eleven propositions by Mr. Paterson, of
New Jersey, "so as to render the Federal Constitution adequate to the
exigencies of Government and the preservation of the Union"; on the 18th
June, eleven propositions by Mr. Hamilton, of New York, "containing his
ideas of a suitable plan of Government for the United States" and on the
19th June, Mr. Randolph's resolutions, originally offered on the 29th
May, "as altered, amended, and agreed to in Committee of the Whole
House." On the 26th July, twenty-three resolutions, already adopted
on different days in the Convention, were referred to a "Committee of
Detail," for reduction to the form of a Constitution. On the 6th August
this Committee reported the finished draft of a Constitution. And yet
in all these resolutions, plans, and drafts, seven in number, proceeding
from eminent members and from able committees, no allusion is made to
fugitive slaves. For three months the Convention was in session, and not
a word uttered on this subject.

At last, on the 28th August, as the Convention was drawing to a close,
on the consideration of the article providing for the privileges of
citizens in different States, we meet the first reference to this
matter, in words worthy of note. "General (Charles Cotesworth) Pinckney
was not satisfied with it. He SEEMED to wish some provision should be
included in favor of property in slaves." But he made no proposition.
Unwilling to shock the Convention, and uncertain in his own mind, he
only seemed to wish such a provision. In this vague expression of a
vague desire this idea first appeared. In this modest, hesitating phrase
is the germ of the audacious, unhesitating Slave Act. Here is the little
vapor, which has since swollen, as in the Arabian tale, to the power and
dimensions of a giant. The next article under discussion provided for
the surrender of fugitives from justice. Mr. Butler and Mr. Charles
Pinckney, both from South Carolina, now moved openly to require
"fugitive slaves and servants to be delivered up like criminals." Here
was no disguise. With Hamlet, it was now said in spirit,

"Seems, Madam! Nay it is. I know not seems."

But the very boldness of th