om
their fellow-princes, partly from the Estates."

He goes farther: the Revolution is not peculiar to France; it did not
even originate there:

"It is much older than the historical appearance of Napoleon's
family and far wider in its extent than France, if we are to
assign it an origin in this world, we must look for it, not in
France, but in England, or go back even earlier, even to Germany
or Rome, according as we regard the exaggerations of the
Reformation or of the Roman Church as responsible."

But if Napoleon is not the sole representative of revolutions, why make
opposition to him a matter of principle? He shews no desire of
propagandism.

"To threaten other States by means of the Revolution has been for
years the trade of England, and this principle of not associating
with a revolutionary power is itself quite modern: it is not to
be found in the last century. Cromwell was addressed as Brother
by European potentates and they sought his friendship when it
appeared useful. The most honourable Princes joined in alliance
with the States-General before they were recognised by Spain. Why
should Prussia now alone, to its own injury, adopt this excessive
caution?"

He goes farther: not only does he reject the principle of
legitimacy,--he refuses to be bound by any principles; he did not free
himself from one party to bind himself to another; his profession was
diplomacy and in diplomacy there was no place for feelings of affection
and antipathy.

What is the proper use of principles in diplomacy? It is to persuade
others to adopt a policy which is convenient to oneself.

"My attitude towards Foreign Governments springs not from any
antipathy, but from the good or evil they may do to Prussia." "A
policy of sentiment is dangerous, for it is one-sided; it is an
exclusively Prussian peculiarity." "Every other Government makes
its own interests the sole criterion of its actions, however much
it may drape them in phrases about justice and sympathy." "My
ideal for foreign policy is freedom from prejudice; that our
decisions should be independent of all impressions of dislike or
affection for Foreign States and their governments."

This was the canon by which he directed his own actions, and he expected
obedience to it from others.

"So far as foreigners go I have never in my life had sympathy for
anyone but England and its inhabitants, and I am even now not