ke any opposition
to it in this house, though I knew the intent with which it was
procured, and was informed that part of my estate was allotted him to
harden his heart, and strengthen his assertions.

This, my lords, is surely a precedent which I have a right to quote, and
which will vindicate me to your lordships from the imputation of
partiality and malignity; since it is apparent, that I do only in the
case of another, what I willingly submitted to, when an inquiry was
making into my conduct.

But, my lords, this is far from being the only precedent which may be
pleaded in favour of this bill; a bill which, in reality, concurs with
the general and regular practice of the established law, as will appear
to every one that compares it with the eighth section of the act for
preventing bribery; in which it is established as a perpetual law, that
he who, having taken a bribe, shall, within twelve months, inform
against him that gave it, shall be received as an evidence, and be
indemnified from all the consequences of his discovery.

To these arguments of reason and precedent, I will add one of a more
prevalent kind, drawn from motives of interest, which surely would
direct our ministers to favour the inquiry, and promote every expedient
that might produce a complete discussion of the publick affairs; since
they would show, that they are not afraid of the most rigorous scrutiny,
and are above any fears that the precedent which they are now
establishing may revolve upon themselves.

To elude the ratification of this bill, it was at first urged that there
was no proof of any crime; and when it was shown, that there was an
apparent misapplication of the publick money, it became necessary to
determine upon a more hardy assertion, and to silence malicious
reasoners, by showing them how little their arguments would be regarded.
It then was denied, with a spirit worthy of the cause in which it was
exerted, that the civil list was publick money.

Disputants like these, my lords, are not born to be confuted; it would
be to little purpose that any man should ask, whether the money allotted
for the civil list was not granted by the publick, and whether publick
grants did not produce publick money; it would be without any effect,
that the uses for which that grant is made should be enumerated, and the
misapplication of it openly proved; a distinction, or at least a
negative, would be always at hand, and obstinacy and interest wou