on many political questions, but united as to
clericalism. The plan was to dissolve the Republican Chamber with the
co-operation of the anti-Republican Senate, in the hope that a new
election, under official pressure, would result in a monarchical lower
house also. The Chamber of Deputies was therefore prorogued until June
16 and then dissolved. At the meeting of May 18, the Republicans
presented a solid front of 363 in their protest against the high-handed
action of the marechal de Mac-Mahon.

[Illustration: LEON GAMBETTA]

The new Cabinet began by a wholesale revocation of administrative
officials throughout the country, and spent the summer in unblushing
advocacy of its candidates. Those favored by the Government were so
indicated and their campaign manifestoes were printed on official white
paper.[8] The Republicans united their forces to support the re-election
of the 363 and gave charge of their campaign to a committee of eighteen
under the inspiring leadership of Gambetta. In a great speech at Lille,
Gambetta declared that the President would have to "give in or give up"
(_se soumettre ou se demettre_), for which crime of _lese-majeste_ he
was condemned by default to fine and imprisonment. In September, Thiers,
the great leader of the early Republic, died, and his funeral was made
the occasion of a great manifestation of Republican unity. Finally, in
spite of governmental pressure and the pulpit exhortations of the
clergy, the elections in October resulted in a new Republican Chamber.
The reactionary Cabinet was face to face with as firm an opposition as
before.

The duc de Broglie, in view of this crushing defeat, was ready to
withdraw, and Mac-Mahon, after some hesitation, accepted his
resignation. Mac-Mahon's own fighting blood was up, however, and he
tried the experiment of an extra-parliamentary Ministry led by General
de Rochebouet, the members of which were conservatives without seats in
Parliament. But the Chamber refused to enter into relations with it, and
as the budget was pressing and the Senate was not disposed to support a
second dissolution, Mac-Mahon had to submit and the Rochebouet Cabinet
withdrew.

Thus ended Mac-Mahon's unsuccessful attempt to exert his personal power.
The Seize-Mai has sometimes been likened to an abortive _coup d'etat_.
The parallel is hardly justifiable. Mac-Mahon would have welcomed a
return of the monarchy at the end of his term of office, but he
intended to remain f