ure of our system made by statesmen of known national
sympathies. Such concessions were plentiful then and much later. Even
Webster in his immortal reply to Hayne calls ours a government of
"strictly limited," even of "enumerated, specified, and particularized"
powers. Two historical facts told powerfully for the anti-federalist
theory. One was that the government previous to 1789 was unquestionably
a league of States; the other was that many voted for the present
Constitution supposing it to be a mere revision of the old. Had the
reverse been commonly believed, adoption would have been more than
doubtful.

CHAPTER III.

DOMESTIC QUESTIONS OF WASHINGTON'S ADMINISTRATIONS

[1790-1791]

I. Tariff.--Upon declaring their independence the United States threw
open their ports, inviting trade from all nations. During the Revolution
foreign commerce had become an important interest, and at its close the
inclination of all, the more so from memory of England's accursed
navigation acts, would have been to leave it untrammelled. Several
motives, however, induced resort to a restrictive policy which,
beginning with 1789, and for years expected to be temporary, has been
pursued with little deviation ever since. Of course the Government
needed revenue, and the readiest means of securing this was a tax on
imports. Rates were made low, averaging until 1808 only 11-1/4 per cent.
As a consequence the revenues were large.

The movers of this first tariff, especially Hamilton, also wished by
means of it to make the central Government felt as a positive power
throughout the land. It had this effect. All custom-houses passed to the
United States, and United States officers appeared at every port, having
an authority, in its kind, paramount to that of state functionaries.

A stronger consideration still was to retaliate against England. In
spite of America's political independence the old country was determined
to retain for her merchant marine its former monopoly here. Orders in
council practically limited all the commerce of England and her
remaining colonies with this country to English ships, although, from
the relations of the two lands and the nature of their productions, our
chief foreign trade must still be with England. There was no way to meet
this selfish policy but to show that it was a game which we too could
play.

Besides, however we behaved toward the mother-land, we needed to be
prepared for war, because it was e