lle Bill. As Calhoun had said, all the great interests of
the country had come into conflict, and even the most resolute of men
knew not how to proceed.

But Jackson gathered about him a new official family who were supposed
to owe no double allegiance. Edward Livingston, of Louisiana,
protectionist, became Secretary of State in place of Van Buren, who had
resigned for appearance' sake; Louis McLane, of Delaware, a conservative
party leader of protectionist views, was made Secretary of the Treasury
while Roger B. Taney, a former Federalist of Maryland, became
Attorney-General. Lewis Cass, Secretary of War, was the only distinctly
Western man in this new body. Jackson seems to have expected to make the
Bank question the great issue between his party and that of Clay, but
the new Cabinet soon proved as strongly pro-Bank as the old one had
been, and he must still rely on the "kitchen council" for support in
that direction.

The initiative in the great sectional struggle which all foresaw was
left to South Carolina, but the men of that planter Commonwealth refused
to throw discretion to the winds. The price of cotton was falling and
the tribute to the manufacturer under the law of 1828 seemed to be more
burdensome than ever; yet it might be well to try Congress again. The
new Congress, which would assemble in December, 1831, might give relief.
This was Calhoun's last recourse; if it failed nullification must
follow.

When the next Congress assembled, Clay was in the Senate and John Quincy
Adams, his former ally, was just beginning his long career as a member
of the House. Webster and the other New England tariff advocates were
there, and as unbending as the Southerners themselves. The President
sent in a non-committal message on the burning question, and even on his
favorite Bank problem he showed signs of yielding. Clay took the message
as preliminary to surrender, and his proverbial boldness rapidly grew to
arrogance. On the tariff, on the Bank, and on the proposed nullification
problems, he would give the deciding word and that word was defiance.

When, therefore, the cotton and tobacco interests presented once more
their demand for immediate downward revision of the tariff, Clay and his
more ardent protectionists brushed aside the cautious Adams and defied
"the South, the Democratic party, and the Devil." The revision of the
tariff which was made in 1832 was no revision, save in a few unimportant
schedules in which