e gradually came to stand for the budding nationality among
the self-seeking groups who would have their way or break up the
Confederation. With the large majority of the up-country of the Middle
States and South in favor of a tariff, even a high tariff, he promptly
accepted the proposed revision. Already nominated by many of the States,
his friends had no difficulty in securing him a unanimous renomination
from the Democratic National Convention which met in Baltimore late in
May, 1832. Meanwhile Van Buren had been appointed Minister to England.
After reaching his post, the Senate, to gratify Calhoun as well as
strike at the President, rejected the nomination. The humiliated
minister was now nominated Vice-President and plainly marked by Jackson
as his successor.

When the votes of both houses were shown to be decidedly for a
continuation of the protective system as enacted in 1828, Calhoun and
the planter party gave every assurance that South Carolina, at least,
would resist. The President gave out no indications of what his attitude
would be, but the extreme Southerners could not expect that Jackson
would support their contentions; nor could they think Clay, if elected,
would yield the very base of the system on which he proposed to stand as
President. But as the tariff bill came to its final reading, it was seen
that even New England hesitated, and many voted against the measure;
many districts of the Southern up-country gave their votes for the
proposed law. In the West most men favored the bill. The tariff was,
therefore, a local issue, and the test must come on the Bank. The bill
for a re-charter of the National Bank reached the President on July 4.
It was considered most carefully, and doubtless the desperate situation
of the Administration was duly canvassed. With every evidence of a
strong Southern secession from his party, with Clay and Webster leading
the solid ranks of the East, it did seem that Jackson would fail if he
vetoed the bill passed by great majorities in both Senate and House.

On July 10 the veto message went to Congress. Its contention about the
constitutionality of the Bank was not important, for it was not a
question of what was constitutional, but of sheer power. The majority of
the votes in the coming election was what each side sought. Jackson
appealed to the West and South, urging that the Bank was a sectional
institution constantly drawing money to the big cities of the East, or
worse s