hall pay
less than her full proportional contribution for Imperial Defence.
Those who are so moved on this question seem to forget that the British
Colonies pay practically nothing. Yet we have never heard that they
are paupers on that account. They certainly derive more from the
Empire than Ireland. Therefore, there would be nothing either degrading
or unjust even if Ireland were relieved from all Imperial expenditure
for a term of years. For Ireland requires time to recover from the
impoverishment of the past, and it may be wise to give her that time.
But once that time is over, the Irish Parliament will probably wish to
follow in the steps of the Grattan Parliament, and contribute her
honest due to the Empire of which she will be a part. But that due must
be paid, not out of deficit, but out of surplus. As long as Ireland has
a deficit produced by poverty, it is absurd to talk to her about
Empire. Once she has a surplus--and a surplus will soon come with the
working of Home Rule--then she will play her part in a manly way.

For we must never forget that Home Rule in itself is a great financial
asset. During the brief period of the Grattan Parliament, as we have
seen, Ireland doubled her exports. During that time the Parliament
carried out public works in every part of Ireland, and industry throve.
Those things cannot be done by an absentee Parliament. They can only be
done by a Parliament on the spot. They are intensely and earnestly
needed by Ireland at present. For Ireland is largely an industrial
derelict, waiting for the restoring hand of a central governing power.
It is impossible to put this aspect of the matter into figures. Here we
must move in faith. But we cannot see this matter clearly unless we
believe firmly--as we have every justification for believing--that Home
Rule means wealth to Ireland.

THE FINANCIAL COMMISSION

But we have to remember that since 1893 a great and authoritative
Financial Commission has reported that England stands in debt to
Ireland.

The British public has never quite realised what the Report of 1896
signified, or quite understood the effect which it produced on the
Irish nation. The Financial Relations Commission was a body created by
the Liberal Government in 1894, soon after the defeat of the Home Rule
Bill, and partly as a consequence of that defeat. It consisted of
fifteen of the ablest financiers in the United Kingdom, including two
great Treasury Chiefs, Lord Farrer