nobody to follow me, and I trust it obliges me to follow
nobody. The radicals and conservatives each agree with me in some things
and disagree in others. I could wish both to agree with me in all
things; for then they would agree with each other, and would be too
strong for any foe from any quarter. They, however, choose to do
otherwise, and I do not question their right. I, too, shall do what
seems to be my duty. I hold whoever commands in Missouri, or elsewhere,
responsible to me, and not to either radicals or conservatives. It is my
duty to hear all; but at last I must, within my sphere, judge what to do
and what to forbear."

It is some consolation to history, that out of this blood and travail
grew the political regeneration of the State. Slavery and emancipation
never gave each other a moment's truce. The issue was raised to an acute
stage by Fremont's proclamation in August, 1861. Though that ill-advised
measure was revoked by President Lincoln, the friction and irritation of
war kept it alive, and in the following year a member of the Missouri
State convention offered a bill to accept and apply President Lincoln's
plan of compensated abolishment. Further effort was made in this
direction in Congress, where in January, 1863, the House passed a bill
appropriating ten million dollars, and in February, the Senate another
bill appropriating fifteen million dollars to aid compensated
abolishment in Missouri. But the stubborn opposition of three
pro-slavery Missouri members of the House prevented action on the latter
bill or any compromise.

The question, however, continually grew among the people of Missouri,
and made such advance that parties, accepting the main point as already
practically decided at length only divided upon the mode of procedure
The conservatives wanted the work to be done by the old State
convention, the radicals desired to submit it to a new convention fresh
from the people. Legislative agreement having failed, the provisional
governor called the old State convention together. The convention
leaders who controlled that body inquired of the President whether he
would sustain their action. To this he made answer in a letter to
Schofield dated June 22, 1863:

"Your despatch, asking in substance whether, in case Missouri shall
adopt gradual emancipation, the general government will protect
slave-owners in that species of property during the short time it shall
be permitted by the State to exist wi