n; they are in fact no part of society. So that, in
the language of political economy, they are, like machinery, merely
capital; and the productions of their labor consists wholly of profits
of capital. But it is not perceived how the tariff can lessen the value
of the productions of their labor, in comparison with that of the other
States. New-York and Virginia both produce wheat; New-York with dear
labor is content, and Virginia with cheap labor is dissatisfied.

"What is the _occupation_ of the white population of the planting
States? I am at a loss to know how this population is employed. We hear
of no products of these States, but those produced by slave labor. It
is clear the white population cannot be employed in raising cotton or
tobacco, because in doing so they can earn but twelve and a half cents
per day, since the same quantity of labor performed by a slave is worth
no more. I am told also that the wages of overseers, mechanics, &c. are
higher than the white labor of the North; and it is well known that many
mechanics go from the North to the South, to get employment during the
winter. These facts suggest the inquiry whether this cheap slave labor
does not paralyze the industry of the whites? Whether _idleness_ is not
the greatest of their evils?"

During the famous debate in the Virginia Legislature, in the winter of
1832, Mr. Brodnax made the following remark: "That slavery in Virginia
is an evil, and a transcendent evil, it would be more than idle for any
human being to doubt or deny. It is a mildew which has blighted every
region it has touched, from the creation of the world. Illustrations
from the history of other countries and other times might be instructive
and profitable, had we the time to review them; but we have evidence
tending to the same conviction nearer at hand and accessible to daily
observation, in the short histories of the different States of this
great confederacy, which are impressive in their admonitions and
conclusive in their character."

During the same session, Mr. Faulkner of Virginia said: "Sir, I am
gratified to perceive that no gentleman has yet risen in this hall, the
avowed _advocate_ of slavery. The day has gone by, when such a voice
could be listened to with patience, or even forbearance. I even regret,
sir, that we should find one amongst us, who enters the lists as its
_apologist_, except on the ground of uncontrolable necessity. If there
be one, who concurs with the