lways connected together; and a large committee of
compromise, consisting of one member from each State, expressly
recommended that both provisions should be adopted, but neither of them
without the other.

Such were the equivalents, directly or indirectly offered, by which the
free States were induced to consent to slave representation. It was not
without very considerable struggles that they overcame their repugnance
to admitting such a principle in the construction of a republican
government. Mr. Gerry, of Massachusetts, _at first_ exclaimed against it
with evident horror, but _at last_, he was chairman of the committee of
compromise. Even the slave States themselves, seem to have been a little
embarrassed with the discordant element. A curious proof of this is
given in the language of the Constitution. The ugly feature is covered
as cautiously as the deformed visage of the Veiled Prophet. The words
are as follows: "Representatives and direct taxes shall be apportioned
among the States according to their respective numbers; which shall be
ascertained by adding to the whole number of free persons, _including
those bound to servitude for a term of years, and excluding Indians
not taxed, three fifths of all other persons_." In this most elaborate
sentence, a foreigner would discern no slavery. None but those already
acquainted with the serpent, would be able to discover its sting.

Governor Wright, of Maryland, a contemporary of all these transactions,
and a slaveholder, after delivering a eulogy upon the kindness of
masters[AA] expressed himself as follows: "The Constitution guaranties
to us the services of these persons. It does not say _slaves_; for the
feelings of the framers of that glorious instrument would not suffer
them to use _that_ word, on account of its anti-congeniality--its
incongeniality to the idea of a constitution for freemen. It says,
'_persons held to service, or labor_.'"--_Governor Wright's Speech in
Congress, March, 1822._

[Footnote AA: It was stated, at the time, that this person frequently
steamed his negroes, in order to reduce their size to an equal weight
for riding race-horses. This practice is understood to be common at the
South.]

This high praise bestowed on the _form_ of our constitution, reminds me
of an anecdote. A clergyman in a neighboring State, being obliged to be
absent from his parish, procured a young man to supply his place, who
was very worldly in his inclinations, and