rn degradation.[177] The wicked eighteenth century is of course
responsible for everything. The 'mechanic corpuscular theory'; the
consequent decay of philosophy, illustrated by such phrases as an
excellent 'idea' of cooking; 'the ourang-outang theology of the origin
of the human species substituted for the first ten chapters of the
book of Genesis; rights of nature for the duties and privileges of
citizens; idealess facts, misnamed proofs from history, for principles
and the insight derived from them': all these and other calamitous
results of modern philosophy are connected with a neglect of the
well-being of the people, the mistaking of a large revenue for
prosperity, and the consumption of gin by paupers to the 'value of
eighteen millions yearly.' He appeals pathetically to the leaders of
the Utilitarians. They will scorn him for pronouncing that a 'natural
clerisy' is 'an essential element of a rightly constituted nation.'
All their tract societies and mechanics' institutes and 'lecture
bazaars under the absurd name of universities' are 'empiric specifics'
which feed the disease. Science will be plebified, not popularised.
The morality necessary for a state 'can only exist for the people in
the form of religion. But the existence of a true philosophy, or the
power and habit of contemplating particulars in the unity and fontal
mirror of the idea,--this in the rulers and teachers of a nation is
indispensable to a sound state of religion in all classes. In fact,
religion, true or false, is and ever has been the centre of gravity in
a realm to which all other things must and will accommodate
themselves.'

The existence of the eighteenth century always remained a hopeless
puzzle for Coleridge and his followers. Why at that period everything
went wrong in the higher regions of thought remained a mystery. 'God
is above,' says Sir Thomas More to Southey,[178] 'but the devil is
below; evil principles are in their nature more active than good.' The
devil seemed to have got into the upper air, and was working with his
allies, Bentham and Mill and Paine and Cobbett, with remarkable
success. But, whatever the theories of conservatives in church and
state, the fact that the theories were held is important. The
diametrical opposition between two schools, one of which regarded the
church as a simple abuse, and its doctrines as effete superstitions,
while the other looked to the church and its creed as giving the sole
hope for sup