inequality, were institutions of essential importance. Godwin
had pushed his theories to absolute anarchy; to the destruction of all
law, for law in general represented coercion or an interference with
the state of nature. Malthus virtually asserted that the metaphysical
doctrine was inapplicable because, men being what they are, these
conclusions were incompatible with even the first stages of social
progress. This means, again, that for the metaphysical method Malthus
is substituting a scientific method. Instead of regarding all
government as a kind of mysterious intervention from without, which
has somehow introduced a fatal discord into the natural order, he
inquires what are the facts; how law has been evolved; and for what
reason. His answer is, in brief, that law, order, and inequality have
been absolutely necessary in order to limit tendencies which would
otherwise keep men in a state of hopeless poverty and depression.

This gives the 'differentia' of the Utilitarian considered as one
species of the genus 'Radical.' Malthus's criticism of Paine is
significant.[270] He agrees with Paine that the cause of popular
risings is 'want of happiness.' But Paine, he remarks, was 'in many
important points totally ignorant of the structure of society'; and
has fallen into the error of attributing all want of happiness to
government. Consequently, Paine advocates a plan for distributing
taxes among the poorest classes, which would aggravate the evils a
hundredfold. He fully admits with Paine that man has rights. The true
line of answer would be to show what those rights are. To give this
answer is not Malthus's present business; but there is one right, at
any rate, which a man does not and cannot possess: namely, the 'right
to subsistence when his labour will not fairly purchase it.' He does
not possess it because he cannot possess it; to try to secure it is to
try to 'reverse the laws of nature,' and therefore to produce cruel
suffering by practising an 'inhuman deceit.' The Abbe Raynal had said
that a man had a right to subsist 'before all social laws.' Man had
the same right, replied Malthus, as he had to live a hundred or a
thousand years. He may live, _if he can_ without interfering with
others. Social laws have, in fact, enlarged the power of subsistence;
but neither before nor after their institution could an unlimited
number subsist. Briefly, the question of fact comes before the
question of right, and the fault of