nation to war.

IV.

The last words of Vergniaud gave the people a tolerably clear prospect
of an universal republic. Nor were the constitutionalists less eager in
directing the ideas of the nation towards war. M. de Narbonne, on his
return from his hasty journey, presented a most encouraging report to
the Assembly, of the state of the fortified towns.--He praised every
one. He presented to the country the young Mathieu de Montmorency, one
of the most illustrious names of France, and whose character was even
more noble than his name, as the representative of the aristocracy
devoting itself to liberty. He declared that the army, in its attachment
to its country did not separate the King from the Assembly. He praised
the commanders of the troops, nominated Rochambeau general-in-chief of
the army of the north, Berthier at Metz, Biron at Lisle, Luckner and La
Fayette on the Rhine. He spoke of plans for the campaign, concerted
between the king and these officers; he enumerated the national guards,
ready to serve as a second line to the active army, and solicited that
they should be promptly armed; he described these volunteers, as giving
the army the most imposing of all characters--that of national feeling;
he vouched for the officers, who had sworn fidelity to the constitution,
and exonerated from the charge of treason those who had not done so; he
encouraged the Assembly to mistrust those that hesitated. "Mistrust,"
said he, "is, in these stormy times, the most natural, but the most
dangerous feeling; confidence wins men's hearts, and it is important
that the people should show they have friends only." He ended by
announcing that the active force of the army was 110,000 foot, and
20,000 cavalry, ready to take the field.

This report, praised by Brissot in his journal, and by the Girondists in
the Assembly, afforded no longer any pretext for delaying the war.
France felt that her strength was equal to her indignation, and she
could be restrained no longer. The increasing unpopularity of the king
augmented the popular excitement. Twice had he already arrested, by his
royal _veto_, the energetic measures of the Assembly--the decree against
the emigres, and the decree against the priests who had not taken the
oath. These two _vetos_, the one dictated by his honour, the other by
his conscience, were two terrible weapons, placed in his hand by the
constitution, yet which he could not wield without wounding himself. The
Gi