age so furiously against an individual who has done
wrong,--I would say, Then you would be at his feet if you were content
with him? (Loud and lengthened applause.) Those who would thus sacrifice
the constitution to their anger against one man, seem to me too much
inclined to sacrifice liberty from their enthusiasm for some other man;
and since they love a republic, it is, indeed, the moment to say to
them, What, would you wish a republic in such a nation? How is it you do
not fear that the same variableness of the people, which to-day
manifests itself by hatred, may on another day be displayed by
enthusiasm in favour of some great man? Enthusiasm even more dangerous
than hatred: for the French nation, you know, understands better how to
love than to hate. I neither fear the attacks of foreign nations nor of
emigrants: I have already said so; but I now repeat it with the more
truth, as I fear the continuation of uneasiness and agitation, which
will not cease to exist and affect us until the Revolution be wholly and
pacifically concluded. We need fear no mischief from without; but vast
injury is done to us from within, when we are disturbed by painful
ideas--when chimerical dangers, excited around us, create with the
people some consistency and some credit for the men who use them as a
means of unceasing agitation. Immense damage is done to us when that
revolutionary impetus, which has destroyed every thing there was to
destroy, and which has urged us to the point where we must at last
pause, is perpetuated. If the Revolution advance one step further it
cannot do so without danger. In the line of liberty, the first act which
can follow is the annihilation of royalty; in the line of equality, the
first act which must follow is an attempt on all property. Revolutions
are not effected with metaphysical maxims--there must be an actual
tangible prey to offer to the multitude that is led astray. It is time,
therefore, to end the Revolution. It ought to stop at the moment when
the nation is free, and when all Frenchmen are equal. If it continue in
trouble, it is dishonoured, and we with it; yes, all the world ought to
agree that the common interest is involved in the close of the
Revolution. Those who have lost ought to perceive that it is impossible
to make it retrograde. Those who fashioned it must see that it is at its
consummation. Kings themselves--if from, time to time profound truths
can penetrate to the councils of kings-