contained, there were one, two, or three only, which could not now be
stipulated under our present constitution. I confess, then, I think
it important, in the present case, to set an example against broad
construction, by appealing for new power to the people. If, however,
our friends shall think differently, certainly I shall acquiesce with
satisfaction; confiding, that the good sense of our country will correct
the evil of construction when it shall produce ill effects.

No apologies for writing or speaking to me freely are necessary. On the
contrary, nothing my friends can do is so dear to me, and proves to me
their friendship so clearly, as the information they give me of their
sentiments and those of others on interesting points where I am to act,
and where information and warning is so essential to excite in me that
due reflection which ought to precede action. I leave this about the
21st, and shall hope the District Court will give me an opportunity
of seeing you. Accept my affectionate salutations, and assurances of
cordial esteem and respect.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER III.--TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH, October 4, 1803

TO DOCTOR BENJAMIN RUSH.

Washington, October 4, 1803.

Dear Sir,

No one would more willingly than myself pay the just tribute due to
the services of Captain Barry, by writing a letter of condolence to his
widow, as you suggest. But when one undertakes to administer justice,
it must be with an even hand, and by rule; what is done for one, must be
done for every one in equal degree. To what a train of attentions
would this draw a President? How difficult would it be to draw the line
between that degree of merit entitled to such a testimonial of it, and
that not so entitled? If drawn in a particular case differently from
what the friends of the deceased would judge right, what offence would
it give, and of the most tender kind? How much offence would be given
by accidental inattentions, or want of information? The first step
into such an undertaking ought to be well weighed. On the death of Dr.
Franklin, the King and Convention of France went into mourning. So did
the House of Representatives of the United States: the Senate refused.
I proposed to General Washington that the executive departments should
wear mourning; he declined it, because he said he should not know where
to draw the line, if he once began that ceremony. Mr. Adams was then
Vice-President, and I thought General Washin