on two grounds of fact. 1st. It is made
known to us by our agents with the three other Barbary States, that they
only wait to see the event of this, to shape their conduct accordingly.
If the war is ended by additional tribute, they mean to offer us the
same alternative. 2ndly. If peace was made, we should still, and shall
ever, be obliged to keep a frigate in the Mediterranean to overawe
rupture, or we must abandon that market. Our intention in sending Morris
with a respectable force, was to try whether peace could be forced by
a coercive enterprise on their town. His inexecution of orders baffled
that effort. Having broke him, we try the same experiment under a better
commander. If in the course of the summer they cannot produce peace, we
shall recall our force, except one frigate and two small vessels, which
will keep up a perpetual blockade. Such a blockade will cost us no more
than a state of peace, and will save us from increased tributes, and
the disgrace attached to them. There is reason to believe the example
we have set, begins already to work on the dispositions of the powers
of Europe to emancipate themselves from that degrading yoke. Should we
produce such a revolution there, we shall be amply rewarded for what
we have done. Accept my friendly salutations, and assurances of great
respect and esteem.

Th: Jefferson.

LETTER XXII.--TO DOCTOR LOGAN, May 11, 1805

TO DOCTOR LOGAN.

Washington, May 11, 1805.

Dear Sir,

I see with infinite pain the bloody schism which has taken place among
our friends in Pennsylvania and New York, and will probably take place
in other States. The main body of both sections mean well, but their
good intentions will produce great public evil. The minority,
whichever section shall be the minority, will end in coalition with the
federalists, and some compromise of principle; because these will not
sell their aid for nothing. Republicanism will thus lose, and royalism
gain, some portion of that ground which we thought we had rescued to
good government. I do not express my sense of our misfortunes from any
idea that they are remediable. I know that the passions of men will take
their course, that they are not to be controlled but by despotism, and
that this melancholy truth is the pretext for despotism. The duty of an
upright administration is to pursue its course steadily, to know nothing
of these family dissensions, and to cherish the good principles of
both parties