induce them to follow
his standard against France. In Austria liberty is awake, not only
in her Universities, but among the body of her people. Neither of
these powers could send an army against France, without raising and
maintaining another at home to keep down the discontents of their own
people. Those people are no longer the automatons they were in 1814.
They have discovered that they are men as their monarchs are, deriving
from the God of nature equal rights, and with a clear right to
participate in the government of their choice. Is it credible that
they would bear the repeated conscriptions to which such a war would
subject them, for the purpose of carrying on a crusade against the
liberties of others abroad, and thus riveting, more closely, their
own chains at home?

If, in spite of all these discouragements, those powers were mad or
fatuitous enough to meditate such an enterprise, have they any reason
to believe that it could succeed? Must they not see, on the contrary,
that it would be utterly hopeless? Have they forgotten that when
France stood alone, with all Europe combined against her, they found
her invincible; that she swept their embattled hosts from every field,
and led her victorious legions into their own capitals? One of these
monarchs is reported already to have said that "he has had enough of
French wars." Well may he say so; and well may Austria respond "Amen."
They have not forgotten that Napoleon twice "struck their crowns into
the hazard," and that it was by his gift that they now wear them. And
although Napoleon be no more, they well know the gigantic power of
France when armed in such a cause, and how readily a war upon her
liberties will raise up some other Napoleon, probably from among the
heroes of the Polytechnic school, once more to sweep like a whirlwind
over their dominions, and to bring them again to his feet. If France,
single-handed, was able to do this, while every power in Europe
frowned upon her, what will she not be able to accomplish when cheered
by the countenance, and perhaps supported by the arms of England?

Amid so many discouragements, is it conceivable that these powers will
brave the consequences of an enterprise so full of despair? No one
believes that their decision will be governed by any other motive than
their own interest. Their own safety will be their supreme law. But
will not this very consideration conduct them to the conclusion that
it is their wisest co