y.
The supplies granted for the year 1760 were L15,503,563; for 1761 they
amounted to L19,616,119, the interest on which was to be paid by the
continuance of the old taxes and a new tax of three shillings per barrel
on beer and ale. The national debt of Great Britain and Ireland, which
in 1755 was L72,505,572, entailing a charge for interest and expenses of
a little over L2,500,000, amounted in 1760 to L102,000,000, with a
charge of L3,500,000.[24] In 1761 the British troops serving abroad were
thirty-nine regiments of foot and thirty-one of horse and dragoons; in
all, 110,000 men, besides 60,000 German auxiliaries in British pay. In
Germany we had about 25,000 men. At the same time sea-pay was drawn for
288 ships of various kinds and 80,675 men, the navy then consisting of
378 vessels, of which 285 were first to sixth rates.[25] Of these, 121
ships of the line with about 70,000 men were in active service. The call
for men was very heavy in proportion to the population, and high
bounties were offered for enlistment. Balloting for the new militia
caused some riots in the north, specially at Hexham, where the miners
fiercely attacked the militia, and forty-two men were killed and
forty-eight wounded.

[Sidenote: _A GENERAL ELECTION._]

Before the king and Bute opened their campaign they insured support in
parliament. Early in 1761 preparations were made for the general
election. The court spread the idea that it was for purity of election;
it was known that Newcastle's hands were tied, and it was expected that
no money would be issued from the treasury. Nothing was less true.
Corruption was rampant and the treasury issued large sums. George
personally named candidates for boroughs belonging to the crown, to
which the ministry had hitherto appointed, and otherwise took an active
share in the arrangements. For the most part he worked through Bute, to
whom Newcastle was forced to submit his lists of candidates that he
might compare them with his own and decide who should be brought in.
This was galling to the old minister, but he had already done much to
forward the whig interest in the coming election, and flattered himself
that "they [the court] had left matters too late for them to do any
mischief".[26] In former elections the whigs used the resources of the
crown to secure power for themselves; in this election the crown itself
used its own means of corrupt influence. Private men followed its
example. A new class of ca