ignored. Even liberals, they believed, were only
really stirred by repressive measures aimed against whites.

When the Nixon Administration still refused to change its policies in
response to these violent confrontations, radicals turned increasingly to
the use of terrorist violence. Bombings had been on the increase for a
couple of years, and during the summer of 1970, they became even more
frequent. But the walls of the Establishment still did not come tumbling
down. Members of the Panthers, S.N.C.C., and the Weathermen--the
left-wing of the Students for a Democratic Society--were generally
thought to be responsible for much of this terrorism. Instead of rallying
fresh supporters to the cause of the radical left, their terrorism only
served to alienate other moderates and radicals. Although the violence of
this left fringe increased, their numbers appeared to decrease, and
because of this the terrorist fringe began to reevaluate its tactics and
the whole situation.

In February of 1971, when the Army of South Vietnam crossed into Laos
with heavy American air support, campuses across the country remained
quiet. At the same time, when Bobby Seale of the Black Panthers was
brought to trial for allegedly participating in the murder of an
ex-Panther, only a handful of spectators attended the opening of his
trial. A year before when another Panther had gone on trial for his
alleged involvement in the same crime, New Haven, Connecticut,
experienced a series of demonstrations which culminated in a mass protest
meeting of some fifteen thousand people.

By early 1971, terrorism, violent confrontation, and peaceful protests
had withered considerably. Pessimism, cynicism, and despair were
widespread, and many advocates of change had become paralyzed by
futility, but neither black nor white protesters had surrendered to the
status quo. Both groups were rethinking their attitudes. Instead of using
massive campaigns with mass media coverage, the Movement had switched its
emphasis to the routine, day-by-day organization of support. In 1966 the
Black Power Movement had contained more rhetoric than power. In 1971 it
was still alive, but blacks were working in practical ways, limiting
themselves to workable objectives. The Afro-American community was
quietly building community organizations to create the economic and
political foundations necessary for the future. Mass protests and
radical slogans, even when they received worldwide a