k crossed to Calais with an army, "the largest which has passed
out of this realm for a hundred years".[453] Henry and Suffolk wanted
it to besiege Boulogne, which might have been some tangible result in
English hands.[454] But the King was persuaded by Wolsey and his
imperial allies to forgo this scheme, and to order Suffolk to march
into the heart of France. Suffolk was not a great general, but he
conducted the invasion with no little skill, and desired to conduct it
with unwonted humanity. He wished to win the French by abstaining from
pillage and proclaiming liberty, but Henry thought only the hope of
plunder would keep the army together.[455] Waiting for the imperial
contingent under De Buren, Suffolk did not leave Calais till 19th
September. He advanced by Bray, Roye and Montdidier, capturing all the
towns that offered resistance. Early in November, he reached the Oise
at a point less than forty miles from the French capital.[456] But
Bourbon's treason had been discovered; instead of joining Suffolk with
a large force, he was a fugitive from his country. Charles contented
himself with taking Fuentarabia,[457] and made no effort at invasion.
The imperial contingent with Suffolk's army went home; winter set in
with unexampled severity, and Vendome advanced.[458] The English were
compelled to retire; their retreat was effected without loss, and by
the middle of December the army was back at Calais. Suffolk is
represented as being in disgrace for this retreat, and Wolsey as
saving him from the effects of his failure.[459] But even Wolsey (p. 161)
can hardly have thought that an army of twenty-five thousand men could
maintain itself in the heart of France, throughout the winter, without
support and with unguarded communications. The Duke's had been the
most successful invasion of France since the days of Henry V. from a
military point of view. That its results were negative is due to the
policy by which it was directed.

[Footnote 452: Merriman, _Cromwell's Letters_, i.,
30-44; _L. and P._, iii., 2958, 3024; Hall,
_Chronicle_, pp. 656, 657.]

[Footnote 453: _L. and P._, iii., 3281.]

[Footnote 454: _Ibid._, iii., 2360, 3319.]

[Footnote 455: _Ibid._, iii., 3346.]

[Footnote 456: _Ibid._, iii., 3452, 3485, 3505,
3516.]

[Footnote 457: _Ibid._,