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ives the
woman her half of the effects, and loses the twelve dollars he has paid.
If the woman only claims the divorce she forfeits her right to the
proportion of the effects, but is entitled to keep her tikar, bantal, and
dandan (paraphernalia), and her relations are liable to pay back the
twelve dollars; but it is seldom demanded. This mode, doubtless the most
conformable to our ideas of conjugal right and felicity, is that which
the chiefs of the Rejang country have formally consented to establish
throughout their jurisdiction, and to their orders the influence of the
Malayan priests will contribute to give efficacy.
In the ambel anak marriage, according to the institutions of Passummah,
when the father resolves to dismiss the husband of his daughter and send
him back to his dusun the sum for which he can redeem his wife and family
is a hundred dollars: and if he can raise that, and the woman is willing
to go with him, the father cannot refuse them; and now the affair is
changed into a kulo marriage; the man returns to his former tungguan
(settlement or family) and becomes of more consequence in society. These
people are no strangers to that sentiment which we call a regard to
family. There are some families among them more esteemed than others,
though not graced with any title or employment in the state. The origin
of this distinction it is difficult to trace; but it may have arisen from
a succession of men of abilities, or from the reputation for wisdom or
valour of some ancestor. Everyone has a regard to his race; and the
probability of its being extinct is esteemed a great unhappiness. This is
what they call tungguan putus, and the expression is used by the lowest
member of the community. To have a wife, a family, collateral relations,
and a settled place of residence is to have a tungguan, and this they are
anxious to support and perpetuate. It is with this view that, when a
single female only remains of a family, they marry her by ambel anak; in
which mode the husband's consequence is lost in the wife's, and in her
children the tungguan of her father is continued. They find her a husband
that will menegga tungguan, or, as it is expressed amongst the Rejangs
menegga rumah, set up the house again.
The semando marriage is little known in Passummah. I recollect that a
pangeran of Manna, having lost a son by a marriage of this kind with a
Malay woman, she refused upon the father's death to let the boy succeed
to
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