of May, left Vienna, and fled to Innspruck. Here surrounded by the
bigoted Tyroleans, whose loyalty was roused again by the danger of an
invasion of their country by the Sardo-Lombardian army, supported by
the vicinity of Radetzky's troops, within shell-range of whom
Innspruck lay, here the Counter-Revolutionary party found an asylum,
from whence, uncontrolled, unobserved and safe, it might rally its
scattered forces, repair and spread again all over the country the
network of its plots. Communications were reopened with Radetzky, with
Jellachich, and with Windischgraetz, as well as with the reliable men
in the administrative hierarchy of the different provinces; intrigues
were set on foot with the Slavonic chiefs, and thus a real force at
the disposal of the Counter-Revolutionary camarilla was formed, while
the impotent ministers in Vienna were allowed to wear their short and
feeble popularity out in continual bickerings with the revolutionary
masses, and in the debates of the forthcoming Constituent Assembly.
Thus the policy of leaving the movement of the capital to itself for a
time; a policy which must have led to the omnipotence of the movement
party in a centralized and homogeneous country like France, here in
Austria, in a heterogeneous political conglomerate, was one of the
safest means of reorganizing the strength of the reactionists.

In Vienna the middle class, persuaded that after three successive
defeats, and in the face of a Constituent Assembly based upon
universal suffrage, the Court was no longer an opponent to be dreaded,
fell more and more into that weariness and apathy, and that eternal
outcry for order and tranquillity, which has everywhere seized this
class after violent commotions and consequent derangement of trade.
The manufactures of the Austrian capital are almost exclusively
limited to articles of luxury, for which, since the Revolution and the
flight of the Court, there had necessarily been little demand. The
shout for a return to a regular system of government, and for a return
of the Court, both of which were expected to bring about a revival of
commercial prosperity--this shout became now general among the middle
classes. The meeting of the Constituent Assembly in July was hailed
with delight as the end of the revolutionary era; so was the return of
the Court, which, after the victories of Radetzky in Italy, and after
the advent of the reactionary ministry of Doblhoff, considered itself