t a stop to the
Democratic farce by shutting up, on the 18th of June, 1849, the room
where the Parliament met, and by ordering the members of the Regency
to leave the country.
Next they went to Baden, into the camp of the insurrection; but there
they were now useless. Nobody noticed them. The Regency, however, in
the name of the Sovereign German people, continued to save the country
by its exertions. It made an attempt to get recognized by foreign
powers, by delivering _passports_ to anybody who would accept of them.
It issued proclamations, and sent commissioners to insurge those very
districts of Wuertemberg whose active assistance it had refused when it
was yet time; of course, without effect. We have now under our eye an
original report, sent to the Regency by one of these commissioners,
Herr Roesler (member for Oels), the contents of which are rather
characteristic. It is dated, Stuttgart, June 30, 1849. After
describing the adventures of half a dozen of these commissioners in a
resultless search for cash, he gives a series of excuses for not
having yet gone to his post, and then delivers himself of a most
weighty argument respecting possible differences between Prussia,
Austria, Bavaria, and Wuertemberg, with their possible consequences.
After having fully considered this, he comes, however, to the
conclusion that there is no more chance. Next, he proposes to
establish relays of trustworthy men for the conveyance of
intelligence, and a system of espionage as to the intentions of the
Wuertemberg Ministry and the movements of the troops. This letter never
reached its address, for when it was written the "Regency" had already
passed entirely into the "foreign department," viz., Switzerland; and
while poor Herr Roesler troubled his head about the intentions of the
formidable ministry of a sixth-rate kingdom, a hundred thousand
Prussian, Bavarian, and Hessian soldiers had already settled the whole
affair in the last battle under the walls of Rastatt.
Thus vanished the German Parliament, and with it the first and last
creation of the Revolution. Its convocation had been the first
evidence that there actually _had been_ a revolution in January; and
it existed as long as this, the first modern German Revolution, was
not yet brought to a close. Chosen under the influence of the
capitalist class by a dismembered, scattered, rural population, for
the most part only awaking from the dumbness of feudalism, this
Parliament
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